This question asks you to judge how well Singapore's measures to prevent crime and to punish offenders actually work, and whether they are effective, fair and proportionate.
Question type: Evaluate
An ETG General Paper original study guide to the 2024 A-Level GP Paper 1 essay on society & culture. Not affiliated with, or endorsed by, UCLES, Cambridge Assessment or SEAB. A study aid, not an official answer.
The question pairs 'deter' and 'punish' as one project, assuming the measures that deter best are also the ones that punish justly, when severe deterrence and just punishment can pull in opposite directions.
conditions: Singapore's measures succeed on the criterion of order and low recidivism, but face harder questions on the criterion of proportionality, so the verdict is criterion-dependent.
How to approach it. Set criteria for a good criminal-justice regime, then judge Singapore's deterrence and punishment measures against them, rooted in specific local policy.
Judged on order and reoffending, Singapore's measures are strikingly effective, with low crime and one of the world's lowest recidivism rates; judged on proportionality and the treatment of drug offenders, they are far more contestable, so the regime earns a high mark for outcomes and a qualified one for justice.
Singapore has nothing resembling the open drug markets and overdose crises of many Western cities, and the government argues that hard deterrence is precisely why, a claim no honest essay can wave away. But correlation is not proof of the marginal deterrent of execution specifically, since certainty of arrest, wealth, geography and tight borders all contribute, and several societies have cut drug harm without capital punishment, so the gallows may be doing less of the work than its defenders assume.
Singapore's measures deter and reintegrate with rare success, and the recidivism numbers are real; the unresolved tension is that the same regime punishes the peripheral drug offender with a severity it no longer applies elsewhere, so it scores high on order and lower on proportionality, and a mature verdict holds both.
Singapore's measures should be evaluated by domain, because the system is two systems: a deterrence-and-punishment apparatus inherited from a harder era, and a newer rehabilitation-and-reintegration project, and the society's record is improving precisely as it shifts weight from the first domain to the second.
Singapore's rehabilitation programmes operate inside a society made safe by decades of firm deterrence, and a softer regime in a more disordered setting might not produce the same calm in which reintegration can work. But the recidivism data shows that the durable reductions in crime are coming from the rehabilitation domain, not from escalating severity, so the order-first argument increasingly justifies a system that the evidence says could lean further towards rehabilitation without losing the peace.
Singapore's measures are best understood as a system in transition: a deterrence apparatus that delivered order and a rehabilitation project that is now delivering the lasting gains, and the society's record improves in step with that shift, leaving the mandatory death penalty as the unresolved hold-out of the older domain.
Option A evaluates against explicit criteria (order, recidivism, proportionality, fairness), reaching a split verdict. Option B evaluates by domain (deterrence versus rehabilitation) and as a trajectory, arguing the system improves as it rebalances. Both are defensible: A is the textbook 'set criteria then judge' Evaluate answer; B reframes the regime as two systems in tension, which reads as more analytical if the domains are kept distinct.

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