This question asks whether leaders should look out only for their own country and ignore everyone else, or whether helping their country today often means cooperating with other nations.
Question type: Discuss
An ETG General Paper original study guide to the 2019 A-Level GP Paper 1 essay on politics & governance. Not affiliated with, or endorsed by, UCLES, Cambridge Assessment or SEAB. A study aid, not an official answer.
The statement assumes a leader's own country and other nations have separable, competing interests, when on shared problems such as climate, pandemics and trade, serving the home country is impossible without cooperating with others.
conditions: the home-first duty holds as a default, but 'always' and 'not other nations' break down where national and global interests are interdependent, where moral limits apply, and where short-term home interest harms the home country's long-term good.
How to approach it. Weigh whether a leader's duty is owed only to the home country, testing the absolute 'always' and 'not other nations' against the reality that serving the home country often requires serving others too.
A leader's primary responsibility is rightly to the home country, because that is the basis of the mandate, but 'always' and 'not other nations' fail on three conditions: when national and global interests are interdependent, when there are moral limits no border erases, and when home-first myopia harms the home country itself, so the duty is a strong default, not an absolute exclusion.
Citizens entrust a leader with their security and welfare on the understanding that they come first, and a leader who sacrifices national interest for foreign causes betrays that trust and usually loses the mandate to do any good at all. This is the serious core of the statement and it explains why home-first is the right default. But it proves only that the home country comes first, not that it comes solely or always; the same trust is best honoured by a leader who understands that in an interdependent world the home country's interest runs through cooperation, not against it.
A leader's first responsibility is properly to the home country, and a leader who forgets that forfeits the standing to lead; but 'always' and 'not other nations' cannot hold, because the home interest is often inseparable from the global one, because moral limits do not stop at the border, and because narrow home-first frequently damages the home country itself.
The statement's force depends on a false opposition between the home country and other nations, but in an interdependent world the two are so entangled that a leader who serves only the home country usually serves it badly, so the dichotomy the question rests on does not hold, and the choice it demands is largely illusory.
There are real moments, scarce vaccines, contested resources, security trade-offs, when serving the home country means another nation loses, and pretending these clashes away would be naive idealism. The opposition is not pure fiction. But conceding that conflicts exist is not conceding the statement, because even then the leader weighs the home country's long-term and relational interest rather than applying a blanket 'always, not others' rule, and the great majority of a leader's choices are not zero-sum at all, which is why the dichotomy misdescribes the ordinary case even where it captures the exception.
The statement sets up a contest between the home country and other nations that rarely exists, because for most leaders most of the time serving their own country is inseparable from cooperating with others; the honest position is not 'always own country, not others' but a national interest understood as long-term, relational and shared, in which the supposed choice mostly dissolves.
Option A accepts home-first as the default and conditions the absolute, breaking 'always' and 'not other nations' on interdependence, moral limits and self-harm. Option B rejects the underlying opposition, arguing home and foreign interests are co-produced so the choice is mostly illusory. Both are defensible: A is the rigorous conditions-based 'discuss' answer; B is the premise-rejecting move that dissolves the dichotomy, which scores higher if it still concedes the genuine zero-sum cases.

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